Brooks watched the video of the killing of George Floyd with her cousin and younger brother. We, as a people, have got to do better. Since then, here in Atlanta, we have suffered another tragic killing of a Black man [Rayshard Brooks] by the police. We are living through history. UMG, Sony Music Entertainment and Warner Music Group each have launched multimillion-dollar initiatives to fight racism and support social justice, with pledges to curb bias endured by black artists, executives and staffers.
We know that in the community of music, we need to be a leader and really step up. Cardozo School of Law. Securities and Exchange Commission. Tappe, 53, a securities attorney by training, played a pivotal role. As the coronavirus upended work practices, Robinson says that WMG developed safety practices for eventually returning to its offices and resuming in-person music and video production, with Maness acting as point person for that planning.
Bondell has finalized over 20 key contract renewals with artists and management companies in Latin music markets, continental Europe, the United Kingdom and Asia. With streaming continuing to drive global music business growth, Walker leads the team that negotiates hundreds of deals with digital service providers every year, helping to boost the presence of Sony Music artists around the globe.
In the year before the pandemic, he and his legal team helped Spotify achieve new milestones, including launching the streaming service in India. Spotify is now available on over devices across 80 hardware brands. He also sits on the executive committee of the Radio Music License Committee, where he was lead negotiator for its recent rate case settlement with BMI see below.
Williams helps negotiate all podcast deals for iHeartMedia, which is the No. Earlier, Apple Music struck renewed deals with labels and worked with music publishers to bring time-synced lyrics to the service. McKinney School of Law. When looking ahead beyond the pandemic, Rowles must ensure the live-entertainment giant can legally and safely reopen music venues when permitted by government agencies. The concert promotion giant did not lay off a single employee for over three months before cuts were made.
She points to the settlement earlier in the year of litigation between independent music publishers and fitness company Peloton over music licensing. Court of Appeals [for the Washington, D. Brodsky, as a board member of the Mechanical Licensing Collective, is helping prepare for the launch of the MLC in Latin market, including a worldwide administration deal with Maluma and a publishing agreement with Nicky Jam. How Songwriters Work Now: " If our writers can no longer gather in a single place to create a new song together, can they still continue to create new music?
From what I am seeing, the answer is a resounding yes. She has been involved in the ongoing review by the U. Rosen, 61, oversaw the litigation for the past two years. Force yourself. He has been working with the U. Copyright Office, which is adopting regulations for the new Mechanical Licensing Collective. And Rushing briefed Senate Judiciary Committee staff on the need for a performance right for musicians whose work is played on terrestrial radio.
Kenneth J. They should do that. They need to do that. The more information you put into the public domain, the harder it is to argue that the press should respect your boundaries.
Connect to Spotify Dismiss. Search Search. Play album. Length Jon's only UK top 10 chart hit, released July View wiki. Related Tags pop 90s latin 80s Add tags View all tags. From The Album Play album. Jon Secada Jon Secada 83, listeners. Mornings alone When you come home I breathe a little faster Every time we're together It never be the same if you're not here How can you stay away,… View full lyrics. Play track. Artist images 17 more. Secada was born in Havana, Cuba, and raised in Hialeah, Florida.
He has won two Grammy Awards and sold 20 million albums since his English-language debut album in , made famous for his song Just Another Day. His music fuses funk, soul, pop and Latin percussion. Secada arrived with his parents in the United States in at the age of nine. While attending sc… read more. He has won two Grammy Awa… read more. He has won two Grammy Awards and sold 20 million albums since his Engli… read more. Similar Artists Play all. Trending Tracks 1. Features Exploring the local sounds and scenes at Noise Pop Fest.
Albums of the latest and loved, and the ones to look out for discover By okspud1 15 Feb am. Monday 24 February Tuesday 25 February Wednesday 26 February Thursday 27 February Friday 28 February Saturday 29 February Wilson designated January 1, as Polish Relief Day.
Contributions to the Red Cross given that day were used to give relief to Poland. Polish Americans frequently pledged a working day's pay to the cause. By there were over Polish organizations in the United States, with a membership - often overlapping - of about , people. Women also established separate organizations. Down until it was locked in battle with the rival organization Polish Roman Catholic Union.
It then focused more on its fraternal roles such as social activities for its membership. The first Polish politicians were now seeking major offices. In a Republican was elected to Congress from Milwaukee, the next one was elected to Congress in as a Republican from Detroit. In the s, the Polish vote became a significant factor in larger industrial cities, and switched heavily into the Democratic Party.
Charles Rozmerek, the PNA president from to , built a political machine from the Chicago membership, and played a role in Chicago Democratic politics. Following World War I, the reborn Polish state began the process of economic recovery and some Poles tried to return. Since all the ills of life in Poland could be blamed on foreign occupation, the migrants did not resent the Polish upper classes.
Their relation with the mother country was generally more positive than among migrants of other European countries. More than two-thirds of emigrants from Polish Galicia freed from under the Austrian occupation also returned. American nativism countered the immigration and assimilation of Poles into the United States.
In , Carl Brigham dismissed the Poles as inferior in intelligence. All countries send men of exceptional ability to America, but the point is that some send fewer than others. Polish communities in the United States were targeted by Nativist groups and sympathizers during the s. In White Deer, Texas, where Poles were virtually the only ethnic minority, Polish children had near-daily fights with other schoolchildren, and southerners imitated their parents in calling them "Polocks and damn Catholics".
On May 18, , about white-robed, torch-bearing members from Houston took a train to Brenham, Texas and marched carrying signs such as "Speak English or quit talking on Brenham's streets". Following the parade, residents would not come to the town or leave their homes to go to church, afraid of violence. To defuse the situation, a meeting at a local courthouse between Anglo, German, and Slavic leaders created laws requiring funeral services, church sermons, and business transactions to be conducted in English only for the next few months.
The Klan infiltrated the local police of southern Illinois during the s, and search warrants were freely given to Klan groups who were deputized as prohibition officers. In one instance in , S. Glenn Young and 15 Klansmen raided a Polish wedding in Pittsburg, Illinois , violently pushing everyone against the walls, drank their wine, stole their silver dollars, and stomped on the wedding cake.
The Polish couple had informed Mayor Arlie Sinks and Police chief Mun Owens beforehand that they were throwing a wedding and wanted to ensure protection; they did not know that Sinks and Owens themselves were Klansmen.
Polish Americans were active in strikes and trade union organizations during the early 20th century. Many Polish Americans worked in industrial cities and in organized trades, and contributed to historical labor struggles in large numbers. Many Polish Americans contributed to strikes and labor uprisings, and political leaders emerged from the Polish community. Leo Krzycki , a Socialist leader known as a "torrential orator",  was hired by different trade unions such as the Congress of Industrial Organizations to educate and agitate American workers in both English and Polish during the s to the s.
He was associated with the sit-down strike at the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company in Akron, Ohio in , which was the first twenty-four hour sit-down. The Great Depression in the United States hurt the Polish American communities across the country as heavy industry and mining sharply cut employment. During the prosperous s, the predominantly Polish Hamtramck neighborhood suffered from an economic slowdown in the manufacturing sector of Detroit. Those who continued to work in the nearby Dodge main plant, where a majority of workers were Polish, faced intolerable conditions, poor wages, and were demanded to speed up production beyond reasonable levels.
Corporations benefited from the interracial strife and routinely hired Blacks as strikebreakers against the predominantly Polish-American trade unions. The mainly Polish UAW membership and pro-Ford Black loyalists fought at the gates of the plant, often in violent clashes. Tensions with blacks in Detroit was heightened by the construction of a federally funded housing project, the Sojourner Truth houses , near the Polish community in Polish Americans lobbied against the houses, but their political sway was ineffective.
Racial tensions finally exploded in the race riot of They worked in war factories, tended victory gardens, and purchased large numbers of war bonds. Polish Americans had been enthusiastic enlistees in the U. Francis Gabreski won accolades during World War II for his victories in air fights, later to be named the "greatest living ace. He said Polonia was "turning its back" on Poland by not joining the cause.
His newspaper became an outlet for exiled Polish leaders to voice their distrust and fears of a disintegrating Polish government under Wladyslaw Sikorski. One such leader was Ignacy Matuszewski who opposed any negotiation with the Soviets without safeguards honoring Polish territorial claims. The majority of American Poles were in-line with the anti-Soviet views of Wegrzynek.
Stanislaw Orlemanski , and Oskar R. His organization was entirely of Polish Americans and was created with the goal of expanding throughout Polonia. Lange had great influence among Detroit Poles, arguing that Poland could return to its "democratic" roots by ceding territories on the Curzon Line to the Belarusians and Ukrainians, and distributing farmland to the peasants.
His viewpoints were well aligned with those of later American and Soviet agreements, whereby Poland gained western territories from Germany. In , Lange, Orlemanski, and U. Russian newspapers including Pravda featured supportive articles approving of the work that Detroit Poles were making, and singled Krzycki, Orlemanski, and Lange as heroic leaders. On January 18, , Russian diplomat Vyacheslav Molotov met with American ambassador Harriman, saying Poland needed a regime change and Krzycki, Orlemanski, and Lange would be excellent candidates for leadership in Poland.
Stalin promoted the idea and asked that Orlemanski and Lange be given Russian passports quickly and allowed to visit Russia. President Roosevelt agreed to process those passports quickly, and later agreed to many of the political points they made, but advised Stalin that the visit be kept secretive. Lange visited Russia, meeting with Stalin personally, as well as the Polish nationalist government.
Lange later returned to the United States where he pushed Polish Americans to accept that Poland would cede the Curzon line, and a communist regime change in Poland was inevitable. Polish American newspapers, both anti and pro-Soviet in persuasion, wrote articles supporting Poland's acquisition of the Oder-Neisse line from Germany at the close of the war.
The borders of Poland were in flux after the war, since Nazi occupying forces were mainly withdrawn, and Poland's claims did not have German recognition. Polish Americans were apprehensive about the U. The Potsdam Agreement specifically stated that Poland's borders would be "provisional" until an agreement with Germany was signed. At the close of the war, America occupied West Germany and relations with the Eastern bloc became increasingly difficult because of Soviet domination.
Polish Americans feared that America's occupation of, and close relations with, West Germany would mean a distancing from Poland. West Germany received many German refugees who escaped Communist hostility in Poland, and their stories of persecution and hostility were not helpful to Polish-German relations. Byrnes , from making further agreements with Germany. Byrnes and Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs Vyacheslav Molotov both were making speeches expressing support for an economically and politically unified Germany, and both invoked the "provisional" nature of the Oder-Neisse line in their talks.
Polish Americans were outraged when Byrnes stated in Germany that German public opinion should be accounted for in territorial claims. The Polish newspaper Glos Ludu made a cartoon of Byrnes in front of an American flag with Swatstikas and black heads instead of stars, criticizing his support of Germany as a "sell-out".
Even pro-Soviet Polish Americans called those lands " Recovered Territories ", suggesting wide and popular support among American Poles. Commissioner in Germany, John J. McCloy , issued a statement saying that a final resolution on the border would require another peace conference. They differed from the first wave in that they did not want to, and often could not, return to Poland. They assimilated rather quickly, learned English and moved into the American middle class with less of the discrimination faced by the first wave.
Poles in the second wave were much more likely to seek white-collar and professional positions, took pride in expressing Poland's cultural and historical successes, and did not submit to the low status American Poles had taken in previous generations.
Many were aristocrats, students, university graduates, and middle-class citizens who were systematically categorized by the Soviet police; Polish military officers were killed in Katyn, the civilians were deported to remote territories in Central Asia or Nazi concentration camps. During the War, Poles attempted to seek refuge in the United States, and some were allowed in. A small steady immigration for Poland has taken place since Political refugees arrived after the war.
In the s about 34, refugees arrived fleeing Communism in Poland, along with 29, regular immigrants. Most of the newcomers were well-educated professionals, artists of political activists and typically did not settle in the long-established neighborhoods. It broke free with American support in After the war, however, some higher status Poles were outraged with Roosevelt's acceptance of Stalin's control over Poland; they shifted their vote in the congressional elections to conservative Republicans who opposed the Yalta agreement and foreign policy in Eastern Europe.
However, working-class Polish Americans remained loyal to the Democratic party in the face of a Republican landslide that year. The first candidate on a national ticket was Senator Edmund S Muskie Marciszewski , nominated by the Democrats for vice president in He was a prominent, but unsuccessful, candidate for the Democratic nomination for president in ; he later served as Secretary of State.
Kennedy as postmaster general — By , there were nine Polish Americans in Congress including four from the Chicago area. The three best known were Democrats who specialized in foreign policy, taxes and environmentalism. Clement J. Zablocki of Milwaukee served —83, and became chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee from until his death in ; although liberal on domestic issues, he was a hawk regarding the Vietnam War. His father was an influential alderman and party leader from the center of Polonia on the Northwest side of Chicago.
Even more influential has been John Dingell of Detroit, who was first elected to Congress in and served until with the second longest tenure on record. A liberal Democrat known for hard-hitting investigations, Dingell was a major voice in economic, energy, medical and environmental issues. His father John D. Dingell, Sr.
He was the son of Marie and Joseph A. Dzieglewicz, Polish immigrants. Historian Karen Aroian has identified a bump in Polish immigration in the s and s as the "Third Wave". Poland was liberalized during the Gierek era when emigration was loosened, and U. Compared to Poland, as they experienced it, the United States had a very meager social welfare system and neighbors did not recognize the neighborly system of favors and bartering common in Poland.
Polish immigrants saw a major difference in the variety of consumer goods in America, whereas in Poland shopping for consumer goods was less a luxury and more a means of survival. Aroian identifies his interviewees may have been skewed by the relatively recent immigrant status of his subjects, as every immigrant faces some setbacks in social standing when entering a new country.
Polish Americans settled and created a thriving community in Detroit's east side. The name "Poletown" was first used to describe the community in , where there was a high number of Polish residents and businesses. Polish Americans were highly reluctant to move to the suburbs as other white ethnics were fleeing Detroit. Additional savings were given to family and friends from Poland, where many immigrants and their children sent back money.
In Chicago and in other northern cities, historian Joseph Parot observed real estate agents pressing white couples to move to the suburbs while encouraging blacks to move into Polish ethnic communities.
Parot found that housing patterns commonly showed white ethnics such as Poles and Italians were used as "buffer zones" between black and white areas in multiple cities.
In the mids, the few Polish American protests against the disintegration of their ethnic communities were portrayed in the media as "racist". Poles were not cooperative with government incursions into their neighborhoods; in Pittsburgh's Model Cities Program , tax money paid by the residents was used to tear down blocks of a Polish community to build low income housing for blacks and Hispanics.
In the predominantly Polish Catholic parish of St. Thaddeus, parishioners were demoralized by orders made from the Archdiocese of Detroit mandating that a percentage of proceeds from church events go to serve low-income black parishes. Polish American Roman Gribbs who served from to when the city was roughly half-white and half-black, believes the major exodus of whites happened when children going to public school faced increased crime and physical danger in Detroit. In , the Detroit Polish community was disgusted by the innocent killing of Marian Pyszko, a World War II freedom fighter and 6-year concentration camp survivor who was killed by three African American youth who were avenging the accidental shooting of their friend.
The man who shot their friend was sentenced to 3 years for reckless use of a firearm, but the three youths who killed Pyszko were acquitted of all charges by a biased jury. The Polish community was disgusted by the lack of justice it faced in Detroit, and enmity towards blacks grew during the s and s.
Many Polish Americans were forced out by the construction of freeways, public housing, and industrial complexes.
The quality of life for those who stayed decreased rapidly, as did the sense of community:. Having lived here since her exodus from Poland at age fourteen, my grandmother is bombarded daily with phone calls from high-pressure realtors who tell her she better hurry and sell before "they" all move in and the house becomes worthless.
The pitch has succeeded all too well with others and occasionally she admits that "maybe it would be better" I become angry at those who flee because of fear, bigotry or ignorance. It seems people keep pushing farther and farther out of the city all the white saying it isn't worth their help. I became angry at those who remain and have lost the hope that is so vital for a neighborhood's survival. Many talk of getting out, of biding their time, while ignoring the garbage strewn in the alley behind their houses.
Have we become so service oriented that we won't pick up an old tire laying the in street because it's "the city's job: it's not my property?
As late at , Hamtramck and Warren, Michigan , were highly Polish. The communities and counterparts in Polish Chicago areas rapidly changed into naturally occurring retirement communities where young families and single adults fled and left the elderly alone.
Many of the elder Polish Americans suffered a loss of control over their daily lives, as many lost the assistance of their children and had a shrinking community to associate with for necessary help and service. Many withdrew from public life and descended into private consumption and activities to occupy their time. Depression, isolation, and loneliness increased in many of Detroit's Poles. Homes left behind were old and expensive to maintain. Many homes fell into disrepair and neglect, litter grew, and children's playgrounds were deserted.
In the late s and s, Americans of Polish descent felt a new low in their social status. Polish Americans were seen as bigoted and racist towards Blacks during the s, as an increasing number of southern Blacks ran into conflict with Poles inside urban cities such as Detroit and Chicago. In Detroit in particular, Polish Americans were among the last white ethnic groups to remain in the city as its demographics changed into a Black enclave.
Poles resented Black newcomers to their urban communities, and resented white liberals who called them racist for their attempts to remain in Polish-majority communities.
Poles in Chicago fought against blockbusting by real estate agents who ruined the market value of their homes while changing their communities into low-income, high crime centers.
In , a local president of the Chicago Polish Homeowner's Association raised a flag from half-mast to full-mast on the day of MLK's death, nearly sparking a riot.
Polish homeowners in Hamtramck were given a legal blow in when a Michigan federal court ruled against their urban renewal efforts which had effectively decreased the community's black population. Poles were similarly disgusted by the affirmative action programs institutionalized in their workplaces and schools, and were unfairly blamed for historical slavery and the economic and political disenfranchisement of blacks in America.
Race relations between whites and blacks had been poor in many cities, but through the progress of the Civil Rights Movement, anti-Black discrimination became highly unacceptable but anti-Polish discrimination did not have the same legal safeguards. Highly offensive jokes commonly replaced the word "black" or " nigger " with "Polack". As an example, historian Bukowczyk heard a student in Detroit tell this "joke":. When he questioned the student why she told this Polish joke, she said it was originally a black joke, but the word "nigger" was replaced by "Polack" because she did not want to be "prejudiced".
Polish jokes were everywhere in the s and s [ citation needed ]. In the late '60s, a book of Polish jokes was published and copyrighted, and commercial goods, gift cards, and merchandise followed that profited at the expense of Poles. Polish stereotyping was deeply pervasive in America and assimilation, upward mobility, higher education, and even intermarriage did not solve the problem.
In , Bukowczyk recalled meeting a college student from largely Polish Detroit, Michigan who lived in a home where her Irish-American mother would sometimes call her Polish-American father a "dumb Polack.
The American media spread an image of the Polish male as a "jock", typically large, strong, and tough athletically, but lacking in intelligence. Thomas Tarapacki theorized that the prominence and high visibility of Polish Americans in sports during the postwar era contributed to the Polish jokes of the s and 70s. Although Poles were succeeding in all types of sports, including tennis and golf, they came to dominate football in high numbers beginning in the s and 40s.
Blue collar, working class Americans repeatedly saw their favorite team rosters filled with Polish names and began to closely identify the two. Poles in many regards were proud of Polish American successes in American sports, and a Hall of Fame was constructed to celebrate their successes. However, by the s, Tarapacki argues, Polish Americans struggled to combat the "jock" image because there had not been national recognition of successes in other fields other than athletics.
Polish Americans often downplayed their ethnicity and changed their names to fit into American society. During the late 19th and early 20th Centuries, name changes were commonly done by immigration agents at Ellis Island.
An example of this is in the family of Edmund Muskie , whose Polish surname was Marciszewski. In Detroit alone, over 3, of the areas' , Polish Americans changed their names every year during the s.
Americans took no effort to respect or learn the pronunciation of Polish last names, and Poles who made it to positions of public visibility were told to Anglicize their own names. Lipski , "are convinced that all Polish names end in -ski and contain difficult consonant clusters. Lipski experienced mispronunciations often in Toledo, Ohio, and Alberta, Canada, where there were greater Slavic populations, which he believed was an example of unconscious prejudice.
It was very rare for a name to be shortened with a Polish-sounding ending ex: Niewodomski to Domski, Karpinski to Pinski, Olejarz to Jarz , as such examples accounted for less than.
During the s, Polish Americans began to take pride in their ethnicity and identified with their Polish roots. Pins and T-shirts reading "Kiss me I'm Polish" and "Polish Power" began selling in the s, and Polish polka experienced a growing popularity. In , 1. Census Bureau than they had only 3 years earlier. Public figures began to express their Polish identity openly and several Poles who had often changed their names for career advancement in the past began to change their names back.
Polish identity and ethnic pride grew as a result of his papacy. Polish Americans partied when he was elected Pope, and Poles worldwide were ecstatic to see him in person. John Paul II's charisma drew large crowds wherever he went, and American Catholics organized pilgrimages to see him in Rome and Poland. Polish pride reached a height unseen by generations of Polish Americans. Sociologist Eugene Obidinski said, "there is a feeling that one of our kind has made it.
Practically every issue of the Polish American papers reminds us that we are in a new glorious age. John Paul II's wide popularity and political power gave him soft power crucial to Poland's Solidarity movement.
His visit to Poland and open support for the Solidarity movement is credited for bringing a swift end to communism in , as well as the subsequent fall of the Iron Curtain. John Paul II reversed the nearly year excommunication of Francis Hodur and affirmed that those who received sacraments at the National Church were receiving the valid Eucharist. Nemkovich attended the funeral of John Paul II in Polish Americans found that they were not protected by the United States courts system in defending their own civil rights.
The Civil Rights Act of Title VII states: "No person in the United States shall on the grounds of race, color, or national origins, be excluded from participation in, or denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination.
Corning Glass Works, an employee of Slavic origin was fired after 14 years for speaking up about name-calling and anti-Slavic discrimination by his supervisors. The judge ruled that the statute did not extend beyond "race" and the employment discrimination suit was dismissed because he was therefore not part of a protected class.
In the District of Columbia, Kurylas v. Department of Agriculture, a Polish American bringing suit over equal opportunity employment was told by the court that his case was invalid, as "only nonwhites have standing to bring an action". Aloysius Mazewski of the Polish American Congress felt that Poles were overlooked by the eminent domain and corporate personhood changes to U. Senator Barbara Mikulski supported such a measure, although no movement has been successful in this issue of amending law for ethnic groups not recognized as racial minorities.
Dash Berlin Ft Chris Madin. Jonathan Mendelsohn - Steal You Away 2 versions. Dash Berlin Ft Christina Novelli. Punk Party Ft. Kelly Sweet. Collin McLoughlin. Armada Various , Armada 4 , Aropa Records. Armada 4 , Aropa Records. But when they bite off more Dayvon, an accomplished street enforcer in West Baltiomre, and best friend TY, who is currently incarcerated, begin feuding before TY's soon to be release date.
A young man from Harlem, forced to cope with the s drug scene, builds an illegal empire, only to have a crisis of conscience.
Chronicles the ups and downs of legendary music group New Edition from their humble beginnings in Boston to individual solo success and everything in between. A defense attorney in Detroit, desperate to leave his career behind, is begged by his sister to represent her boyfriend, the alleged leader of the city's most notorious gang, MVP. In Cuba, five Buffalo Soldiers find a gold cache, desert and return to America where they help defend a black town from the KKK, all the while trying to avoid capture by lawmen and military authorities alike.
Story of a promising high school basketball star and his relationships with two brothers, one a drug dealer and the other a former basketball star fallen on hard times and now employed as a security guard. Teenagers at a juvenile detention center, under the leadership of their counselor, gain self-esteem by playing football together. The true story of a newly appointed African-American coach and his high school team on their first season as a racially integrated unit.
Follows a day in the life of two men living at either end of the music game. A successful rapper, A-Maze, is dealing with the pitfalls and trappings of his success and facing new challenges in the music business to get a check while the other, Young Eastie, is a young man struggling in a harsh world that is threatening to destroy him.
Written by Urbanworld Film Festival. There aren't many good movies made about the world of hip-hop, but this is the best of the lot. The actors seem like actual rappers, and i should know i work with them every day. Not only do they have distinct personalities, but they personas carry over into their music and they way their stories are shot.
This is the story of the day in the life of two rappers, one an upstart, one a seasoned professional at the end of his career. The young one is shot with gritty hand held and A-maze the big name is shot smoothly in keeping with his status and personality. Both of there stories are interesting and intertwine very believably. The only faults with this movie have more to do with it being low budget rather than any fault of the film makers. I highly recommend. Looking for something to watch?Official sheet music for "Just Another Day" (Jon Secada) for piano - PDF download, instant print & online streaming - ♪ audio samples (video) ♫ Key: E Minor ♬ .